Friday, March 25, 2016

Puerto Peñasco (or Rocky Point), Mexico: Pharmacies, Fishing, & the Aftermath of the 2008 Financial Crisis

Puerto Peñasco (Rocky Point), Mexico: Fishing, Pharmaceuticals, and the Real Estate Speculation.

 
I finally found a friend adventurous enough to accompany me on an adventure, which seemed almost imaginable among the Utah crowd.  We planned to drive from St. George, Utah to Puerto Peñasco, Mexico-- some 9.5 hours, and the quickest, cheapest route to cross the border.

Our journey through the Southwest was unremarkable, except that the desert seemed increasingly barren, hostile, and inhabitable as we neared the border.  In Southern Arizona, we saw motorcades of police cars and immigration raids as we neared the border. It all felt increasingly ominous.  As we passed through the National Monument, the radio warned us to be aware of potential illegal activities as immigrants used the park as a border crossing location.  I cannot imagine anything more terrifying than trying to make my way across such a dangerous, desert landscape.  

Our trek to the border was uneventful.  We were not stopped or searched, just motioned to pass through and come on in.  After crossing at Sonoyta, it was another 100 kilometers to reach the ocean, Puerto Peñasco.  We passed ejidos that appeared abandoned. Thousands of "for sale" signs.  Abandoned RV resorts.  A decrepit home for orphan children. Alongside the road, desert flowers were in bloom. 



We arrived into town and drove toward the El Mirador--the viewing beach, found a room in a dilapidated motel--either under construction or in the advanced stages of decay--probably both. All of the resorts on this side of town were crumbling and vacant.  It was decidedly strange. All of the infrastructure for tourism, but a ghost town.This was to be my companion, Nate's first seaside vacation and we were eager to see the sunset.  We passed pharmacies, RV parks, pharmacies, abandoned resorts... and more pharmacies, externalities of overly expensive American healthcare I suppose and lax Mexican regulations.  Interestingly, many of the signs were advertising medicines that were easily procured in the US: antibiotics, insulin, viagra, ibuprofen, soma, cialis...  



The city is located on a small strip of land that joins the Baja California Peninsula with the rest of Mexico.  Located in the Altar Desert, it is one of the driest places in the larger Sonoran Desert.  Originally, fishermen camped in the bay, and searched for a fish called totoaba, used medicinally. As it lacked water, the area was not settled until the 1920s, until John Stone from Ajo, Arizona arrived and built a casino in the prohibition era.  He drilled a well, and set up flight service to bring gringos in to drink, gamble, and fish.  Supposedly, Al Capone frequented the place. In the 1930s and 1940s, a railroad town/fishing village was built, and locals made a living from shrimp fishing.  It was scarcely populated. 
 
Until the 1990s, there was very little tourism there--except campers, fishermen, and college students (taking advantage of Mexico's legal drinking age of 18). They found pristine beaches, crystalline waters, and little development.  



Then, in 1993, there was a push to develop the area for tourism, where the government made partnerships with private investors to build condominiums and other facilities.  It was hoped to capitalize on its close proximity to the United States, and appealed to "snow birds."  It has been nicknamed  "Rocky Point" or "Arizona's Beach," as it is relatively close to Phoenix, Tucson, and Yuma. Supposedly, the efforts were inspired by the success of Cancún, which was nearly a virgin beach before public/private ventures developed it. Tourism also became an important source of revenue, as fishing catches declined, due to overuse and pollution. The federal government contributed 2 billion pesos in infrastructure, for roads and an airport, and the area was declared a "free zone" (meaning tourists did not need passports). 



Between 2002 and 2007, the place boomed, with economic growth at 12%.  A golf course was built, expensive resorts, and condominiums--99% were purchased by North Americans. Yet the speculative boom busted after the financial crisis of 2008...  as did the markets in arts and crafts and so on. 




After dinner one evening, I waited for Nate on the street, and spoke with a taxista.  In English (most seemed to have an uncannily good grasp of it), he told me that Puerto Peñasco's economy was based on two things: tourism and fishing.  Tourism only lasts during Spring Break, for one or one and a half months each year.  This is their busy time, and the folks are celebrating.  He explained that the city was booming, until the financial crisis of 1980s and then everything stopped.  "It hurts us much harder than it hurts you guys there... That's why La Cholla is full of half-built mansions and empty houses... that's why the resorts are falling apart." 





We went to the "Best Western" to park and spend the day at a more sandy beach.  This side of the city was more active, brimming with spring-breakers from AU. 

We had just set-up our blanket, when we were approached by an elderly woman, wearing a large straw hat, skirt, leg warmers, trudging up the beach selling jewelry.  
I asked to see her offerings, and wanted to know where she came from. 
 
"Oaxaca."  She replied.  
"You are very far from home... Do you like it here?" I asked.  
"No.  It is very cold, and then very hot... But I'm here because the people say that the gringos have lots of money."  
"Well, we are teachers, we don't have much."  
She seemed to understand a bit.  
"It's hard times for everyone, I guess."  

I bought a few bracelets from her.  She wanted us to buy in dollars, but we only had pesos.  She didn't know how to do the math to convert 17x15.  We gave her the money and wished her well.  She didn't know if we had short-changed her or not. 

The spring-breaker students approached us later, and wanted to talk politics: about the impossibility of single-payer health care, the improbability of Bernie Sanders.  They were emphatic that we learn to haggle with the beach vendors, and I refused (See the film, Cannibal Tours). 





That night, we were approached by a man from Southern California.  He was trying to get us to make purchases at the pharmacies.  "You want oxycontin? Vicodin? What do you want? Marijuana?  Ecstasy?  Cocaine?"  The streets were full of spring-breakers and their sound pollution.  Lame college boys consuming pre-fabricated fun, filmed from their selfie-sticks.  In front of one of the clubs, a sign had been placed out front for the females: DO NOT LEAVE THE CLUB WITH STRANGERS.  BE CAREFUL WITH YOUR DRINKS. AVOID SEXUAL ASSAULT. 

Puerto Peñasco was surprisingly silent, aside from the blaring of bad hip hop/dub step/whatever electronic garbage the kids now mistake for music.  The only local music we heard was from two men. They set up an amplifier, and accompanied on the drums. That was it.  

We pilfered through art galleries.  Everything was covered in dust, abandoned.  


That said, I've not eaten as well since I left Peru in 2015.














  





Friday, December 19, 2014

Taking back the Street's with 30,000 Youth in Lima Peru

“When did the future switch from being a promise to a threat?” 
Chuck Palahniuk, Invisible Monsters

Taking back the street's with 30,000 peruvian youth– Law 30288 (Ley Pulpin)
Dec. 18, 2014, Lima, Perú

On December 16, a new Peruvian law was announced, Ley 30288, entitled (roughly) “Law to Promote Youth Access to the Labor Market and Social Protection.”   The law purportedly seeks to promote the integration of young people, ages 18-24, into the formal labor-market.  It subjects them to a special “labor regime,” where they are paid minimally, on the short-term, and excluded from basic labor protections (family allowances, fewer vacation days, no right to CTS).   In essence, it provides an institutional mechanism to create downward pressure on the wages of young Peruvians (regardless of education, qualifications, and experience) who already receive some of the lowest wages in the world (the minimum wage is 750 soles, about 255 USD).
The law provoked outrage amongst young people and sectors of the Peruvian left.  Some noted its commonalities with the youth labor regimes under the Fujimori dictatorship in the 1990s, where youth worked 12-hour days, Monday through Saturday.   

The day it announced, social media was on fire, and preparations for a march were underway.  30,000 youth confirmed that they would attend.

The youth seemed frustrated and upset, after all, Ley 30288 is being drafted by adults (now  arbitrarily defined as aged 25+) who will never be subjected to the "special regime."  (Perhaps their frustration approximates that felt by feminists, for example, when men legislate on abortion and other issues pertinent to women's health). 

I went with with Arturo, a 30 something-year old Peruvian who hasn’t  gone to the streets in protest since the Fujimori years. We ran, marched, clapped, and shouted in support of the young Peruvian workers, and I learned about the treatment of youth in society.  It seemed that they should and stay in their “proper places,” otherwise their actions will be met with state-sanctioned violence (tear gassed, pepper sprayed, shot with rubber bullets, arrested, and one young person was even shot, and then deliberately run over by a police car).

We arrived at the Plaza San Martin along with some 30,000 others around 6:00 p.m.   The marchers planned to take the streets close to the government buildings in downtown Lima.  As the groups began to march, within 10 minutes their movements were blocked by cops on horses shooting tear gas.  We returned to the Plaza, a bit disoriented, and unsure what would happen next.  Soon, the youth started going in another direction, along Avenida Arequipa—in a seemingly strange direction for a protest/march:  Banned from occupying public spaces of public power, we were headed to the rich neighborhoods Miraflores, to occupy a shopping mall.   The march stretched and blocked off 12 blocks.  As we marched, the youth chanted endlessly—for an end to the dictatorship, against silence, a struggle for the people.  With their right hands raised, they urged others to come and join them.  People watching from office buildings or detained in traffic seemed to support them—they clapped along or waved to the peaceful marchers (that came from all walks of life—from the university students, the anarchists, and average teenagers).  


I was impressed by the youth—After all, weren’t they being “good citizens,” engaged in a wholesome activity (like a big, somewhat noisy, collective stroll on a Thursday evening) marching for their rights to respect, dignified work, and basic conditions? 

Aren't "walkathons" permitted? They weren’t involved in antisocial behaviors (crime, drugs, vandalism, or whatever).  

Based on their engaged behavior one might say that the Peruvian youth were exemplary, models even, of good (and proactive) citizenship, behaving as they theoretically should in a democratic society 



This perspective was obviously not shared by those with the riot shields, horses, batons, and chemical weapons, or the politicians pulling the strings. 


As we neared the neighborhoods of the rich, the police decided to contain us, or attempt to deter the masses from reaching their destination.  Suddenly, we were enveloped in a cloud of tear gas.  Disoriented, yet again, this prompted a stampede on the part of the inexperienced teenagers.  Luckily, Arturito is amazingly calm and pulled me to safety, away from the chemical weaponry.  My lungs stung and there was nothing that could stop the tears.  Our scarves were in a backpack, since we had been peacefully marching/jogging for 10 kilometers already, and didn’t anticipate being attacked.

Many of the youth disbanded, and recongregated a few blocks from the scene.  Arturito and I, who were participating in a spirit of solidarity with the exploited youth, had had enough, and surrendered to a patch of grass to have a beer.  After all, it wasn't our battle.  After about 20 minutes, however, we saw the youth return, cross the line drawn by police with its chemical weaponry, and (albeit in much less numbers), they pushed the march forward, re-took the avenue, and headed towards their somewhat unlikely target, a shopping mall full of holiday shoppers and tourists.

They stayed there until, god knows when.  I am proud of the youth, who pushed forward, and stubbornly stayed put until they could no longer (due to hunger, fatigue, and police repression). 

Today, a prominent minister went to an important radio show and said that the Congress cannot be soft on the youth, cannot abandon this new law.  The state will take a harder approach to the dissidents on their next march, scheduled for Monday.   The president expressed his support for the legislation, arguing that youth would "age out" of it--that it was only temporary (as if growing up, finding decent work, and building an autonomous life isn't already difficult enough).  


As a whole, Peruvian authorities seem set on sending a strong message--that youth should know and keep to their "proper" (submissive) places.  


As for me, as the night went on, I was bothered by how uneven "the game" was--and the way security forces managed the protest perfectly mirrored the law's unfairness.  A mass of 30,000 noisy teens and adults, all their movements were shadowed by security forces.  When they threatened to take over elite spaces (of rich neighborhoods or get close to government buildings), they were promptly put in line by chemical weaponry.  It is a fundamentally undemocratic situation.  More seriously still, what does such excessive force communicate to young people?  Their powerlessness.  That is certainly true for the estimated 30 who were arrested last night, and are now being held without right to legal counsel. Based on examples in the international context (Brazil's June 2013, USA Occupy, and so on), the poor treatment of young people is not terribly surprising...but it is still disappointing. 

Given their already vulnerable positions, what youth deserve is probably more legal protections, more opportunities, more avenues for voice and recourse.  What does it mean for Peruvian youth and the future if, as their graffiti suggested, they "been sold out?" 

However unfairly the odds are stacked against them--youth can be powerful opponents, organized and with time and healthy bodies on their sides. Viva la luventud!  

See Also:

http://www.connuestroperu.com/consumidor/44688-ley-30288-de-trabajo-juvenil-faenon-que-entrega-los-jovenes-a-la-voracidad-de-grandes-empresash

Wednesday, December 3, 2014

Ica, Peru.

ICA VALLEY

After a month and a half in the Peruvian highlands, I was viscerally reminded of how bad agribusiness is—the smells, the poverty, that it entails.  We were riding along the coast, headed to Ica—I had been warned that it wasn’t a beautiful or marvelous place, but we went to see the dunes.

As we drove, I remembered Ceará: the real estate speculation that is threatening to displace traditional and indigenous communities.  Where it seemed to be a hanging threat along the Northeast, which prompted such groups to band together and for TCUM (a communitarian tourism association), I didn’t see any signs of this occurring here. 
 
One side of the freeway was reserved for the concrete boxes and luxury apartments that would be seasonal homes for the wealthy from Lima—the other, were shanties and improvised squatter communities.  Dilapidating from time, or already wrecked/being rebuilt in the earthquake cycle…

Every half hour or so, there was a horrendous odor—from the chicken farms that fill the plates of the eager folks who line up to the places that sell massive polla ala brasa: the seeming secret to any Peruvians happiness (they eat so much chicken). 








But as we rocked into Chincha, then Pisco, and finally Ica, I really thought about agribusiness, and its grim, depressing truth.  It is heinous, aesthetically.  As you drive down the Pan-American Freeway, you can just see what happened.  The details are fuzzy, but the general gist is somewhat clear.  The emphasis on agroexport investment has created a small group of transnationally connected winners, and the rejects and displaced casualties, squeezed out of the game. 

The asparagus fields were truly bizarre.  The place is literally a massive sand dune, one of the driest places on earth.  Just desert and sand, lifeless… beautiful, empty, psychedelic, expansive…




And then, there are these asparagus oases, bright green artificial atrocities, headed for (mostly) British tables.  Once and awhile, you see the shacks, that don’t seem fit for the habitation of animals—plastic, improvised things.  They are probably only lived in occasionally, on a seasonal basis by workers.  Unlike the encampments organized by the MST, however, while they look similar, I don’t see hope at the end of this.  These are just hovels for the seasonal worker, who toils under the caustic sunshine.  There were groups of people lined up at corners, heads covered in t-shirts, waiting, presumably for work.  I saw women planting asparagus, with sticks, supervised by men who didn’t work, just followed them along the rows. 


The point being: sure, one can grow just about anything, just about anywhere, with the right chemical perscriptions (of fertilizers, pesticides, seeds, and spring water).  But it can’t be good to be one of the seasonal laborers there, under the sun, on what was once a sand dune.  Again, visually speaking, the contrasts are bizarre.    

I sort of remembered the sertão—which was once a multi-use, communal-ish agropastoral community, low-intensive sort of agriculture/fishing.  In the 1990s, such patterns were fixed by land settlements, and they became agronegocinhos—producing monocultures for export for the most part.  Chemicals, irrigation, and there you have it—mangos and goiaba, and grapes for wine and export. But, the work is miserable.  It is too hot. But there, families there have decent, or concrete homes.  They own their lands.  They are rich people, or so they tell me.


Bizarre.

For more, see:

http://www.yale.edu/agrarianstudies/foodsovereignty/pprs/30_Lynch_2013.pdf

How Peru's wells are being sucked dry by British love of asparagus

http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2010/sep/15/peru-asparagus-british-wells

Tuesday, June 3, 2014

Dito: Lazer no Rio São Francisco



                                                             ...Leisure
Dito's life isn't all about work, however.... He has a great group of friends in the settlement.  They enjoy going to the bank of the Rio São Francisco to swim on 
the weekends. 



O Rio São Francisco

The original MST encampment of the area occurred in 1995, with some 3,000 families eventually resulted in the creation of the Safra settlement (along with 8 neighboring communities).  They are located  along the banks of the Sao Francisco (also nicknamed--Chico Velho, the River of National Unification, the Sea-River.)




Safra’s children are strong swimmers—they grow up in the water.  Dito is no exception.  He and his friends can swim to the Island across from the settlement, without the aid of flotation devices.  The river is their site of leisure, pleasure, flirtation, and fun.  It is the source of their household and irrigation water.  The river is everything.




                                parties & DANCING









Many of the youth of Safra love to go to the Free Space Club on the weekends to party, dance, and relax after their busy weeks.  They are especially talented, creative dancers. 

They like to dress up and dance to  forró and arrocha.